Centre d'études Turques, Ottomanes, Balkaniques et Centrasiatiques

Ever since the implementation of invasive EEG recordings in the clinical setting, it has been perceived that a considerable proportion of epileptic discharges present at a cortical level are missed by routine scalp EEG recordings. Several in vitro, in vivo, and simulation studies have been performed in the past decades aiming to clarify the interrelations of cortical sources with their scalp and invasive EEG correlates. The amplitude ratio of cortical potentials to their scalp EEG correlates, the extent of the cortical area involved in the discharge, as well as the localization of the cortical source and its geometry have been each independently linked to the recording of the cortical discharge with scalp electrodes. The need to elucidate these interrelations has been particularly imperative in the field of epilepsy surgery with its rapidly growing EEG-based localization technologies. Simultaneous multiscale EEG recordings with scalp, subdural and/or depth electrodes, applied in presurgical epilepsy workup, offer an excellent opportunity to shed some light to this fundamental issue. Whereas past studies have considered predominantly neocortical sources in the context of temporal lobe epilepsy, current investigations have included deep sources, as in mesial temporal epilepsy, as well as extratemporal sources. Novel computational tools may serve to provide surrogates for the shortcomings of EEG recording methodology and facilitate further developments in modern electrophysiology.

A l'heure où la "question albanaise" et le statut du Kosovo demeurent d'actualité, mais aussi où les rapports entre islam et Europe sont débattus au sujet de l'adhésion éventuelle de la Turquie à l'Union européenne, il n'est pas inutile de revenir sur la formation de la nation albanaise, la seule nation majoritairement musulmane qui ait acquis un Etat sur le vieux continent au moment de la première vague de formation d'Etats-nations. Ce livre a pour but de montrer comment l'albanisme, c'est-à-dire l'affirmation d'une identité albanaise au sens moderne, s'est développé, en lien avec les transformations sociales et politiques de la société provinciale ottomane.

Introduction The 19th century was a period of immense transformation for Kurdistan in terms of social, economic and political structure. At the beginning of the century it was already divided between two states, the Ottomans and Qajarian Iran. This division became more apparent when the two states tried to create a boundary. The boundary between Iran and the Ottoman Empire was made of mainly by Lake Urmia in the Northwest of Iran and the chain of Zagros Mountains between today’s Iran and Iraq...

International audience

Résumé de thèse

This edited collection looks at how political parties in Turkey actually work, inside and out. Departing from traditional macro-level analyses, the book offers a new sociological approach to the study of political parties, treating them as non-unitary entities composed of many different groups and individuals who both cooperate and compete with one another.The central proposition of the book is that parties must be studied as clusters of relationships in specific locales rather than as unitary ‘black boxes.’ This ground-up approach provides new insights into the internal workings of political parties; why parties gain and lose elections and other political resources ; and the ways in which power is negotiated and exercised in Turkey and beyond.Chapters include studies of Islamic and Islamist parties from the 1970s to the present, ethnic Kurdish parties, center- and extreme right parties, and the far left, as well as independent candidates. The authors pay particular attention to relations – and the blurry boundaries-- between parties and civil society groups, religious associations, non-governmental organizations, ethnic and socio-economic groups, and state institutions, and to the variability of external and internal party politics in different geographies such as Adana, Mersin, and Diyarbakir. (Résumé éditeur)

International audience

National audience

International audience

This paper analyses the place of religion in Albania, a former atheist country, with a Muslim majority, but without an official religion. It focuses on former and new dynamics on the Albanian religious scene since 1990 : the ambiguous place of religion in the Albanian society (both marginal and central), and the local, national and transnational dynamics of the religious developments. Then it studies the specifities of each community : the Islamic community, Bektashism, the orthodox community ; the Catholic and Protestant Churches, and Eleonora's Holy Mission.

After dropping rapidly and steadily over two decades, fertility in Iran stabilized between 2001 and 2011 at around 1.9 to 2 children per woman, before starting to rise slightly between 2012 and 2016, then falling fairly quickly. This coincided with the implementation of the Islamic Republic’s new population policy, with its aggressive and coercive measures, one of whose goals was to reverse the downwards trend in fertility. Given changes in proximate and remote determinants of fertility in Iran, and the decline in fertility since 2016, it is assumed that this new population policy triggered a reduction in intervals between births between 2012 and 2015, leading to a slight rise in the fertility of already married couples. The other latent objective of the Islamic Republic’s new population policy is to drive Iran’s population up to 150 million inhabitants in the near future. This is utopian given Iran’s demographic dynamics, but it conceals the political and ideological goal of asserting Iran’s demographic and geopolitical significance within the region, by drawing on a novel immigration policy to make up for its low fertility.

There is a promising way of looking at Yugoslav history, that is, by focusing on non-state actors, and particularly on voluntary associations. Historical studies both in and about south-eastern Eur...

Research carried out under the leadership of Patricia Poggi (World Bank) Etude réalisée sous la direction de Patricia Poggi (Banque mondiale)

I. Thinking Turkish influence in the midst of a dramatic political shiftOn 5 April 2015, Joseph Nye, the scholar who first coined the term “soft power”, was quoted in an article published in Today’s Zaman asserting that Turkish soft power had declined over the past few years. According to Nye, as a result Turkey would subsequently have “less soft power, less democracy”. During the 2000s, the concept of soft power became a popular term applied to the perceived rise in Turkey’s global and regi...

Les auteurs montrent – dans le contexte de la guerre civile syrienne – comment l’appartenance à des groupes de manifestants contre le régime constitue un capital social autonome à la fois du capital social antérieur et des autres formes de capital, notamment économique et culturel. Il montre ainsi comment un événement permet la formation de capital. Le capital social n’apparaît pas comme un simple démultiplicateur des capitaux économiques et culturels existants, mais possède sa propre logique de formation et d’accumulation. Dans une phase ultérieure, ce capital social se convertit en positions au sein des institutions révolutionnaires, qui apparaissent alors comme du capital social objectivé. Les dotations initiales en capitaux redeviennent alors déterminantes pour comprendre la probabilité d’accès à différentes positions.

<p>This social, cultural, and political history of Slavic Muslim women of the Yugoslav region in the first decades of the post-Ottoman era is the first to provide a comprehensive overview of the issues confronting these women. It is based on a study of voluntary associations (philanthropic, cultural, Islamic-traditionalist, and feminist) of the period.</p><p>It is broadly held that Muslim women were silent and relegated to a purely private space until 1945, when the communist state “unveiled” and “liberated” them from the top down. After systematic archival research in Bosnia, Croatia, Serbia, and Austria, Fabio Giomi challenges this view by showing: • How different sectors of the Yugoslav elite through association publications, imagined the role of Muslim women in post-Ottoman times, and how Muslim women took part in the construction or the contestation of these narratives. • How associa­tions employed different means in order to forge a generation of “New Muslim Women” able to cope with the post-Ottoman political and social circumstances. • And how Muslim women used the tools provided by the associations in order to pursue their own projects, aims and agendas. The insights are relevant for today’s challenges facing Muslim women in Europe. The text is illustrated with exceptional photographs.T</p>

Provincializing the history of the Ottoman Empire, this book provides a critical approach to the projects of ‘modernity’ that took place in the Eastern Mediterranean over the past two centuries. Leaving their mark on this period are; the turmoil of insurgency in Greece and Egypt, a growing intervention of European Powers in Eastern Mediterranean politics, and the unfolding of large reform projects within the administration of the Ottoman Empire. Whilst these developments have prompted enduring debates over Middle Eastern paths of transformation, the case of Cyprus has remained isolated from these discussions, something this book seeks to address. One of the first research monographs to appear in English on Cyprus during the eventful times of the Ottoman ‘long’ 19th century, this book consistently seeks to provide a dialogue between source analyses and theoretical frameworks. Exploring the myriad relationships between this singular locality and the regional – not to say global – dynamics of empire, trade and social change at that time, A Provincial History of the Ottoman Empire will be of interest to students and scholars with an interest in the Middle East and Modern History.

Cet article analyse les fondements de l’autorité dans le soufisme tels que des soufis égyptiens contemporains les ont exposés dans leurs écrits. Cette autorité repose sur l’accès à la proximité divine, la walâya, traduit en français par sainteté. Le saint (walî), vivant ou mort, est le pivot de toute réalisation spirituelle et le garant du salut dans le monde ici-bas et dans l’au-delà. Cette conception de la sainteté a jusqu’à aujourd’hui des implications spirituelles et sociales dans tout le monde musulman. Les observations faites sur les relations entre un saint vivant et ses disciples dans une région du sud de l’Égypte montrent les liens profonds entre des traditions religieuses locales et une doctrine de la sainteté élaborée par les grands penseurs mystiques de l’islam.

This article explores the entanglement of gender, education and empire in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Habsburg period throughout the analysis of a unique institution: Sarajevo’s Muslim Female School. Established at the very end of the nineteenth century, this pedagogical institution was the only school in Austria-Hungary specifically devoted to Muslim girls. The article begins by presenting the development of the Habsburg Empire’s educational policy in Bosnia after 1878 and demonstrates that it was deeply bound with its imperial ‘civilising mission’. Through an analysis of the programmes taught at Sarajevo’s Muslim Female School, the article detects the model of ‘Hapsburg Muslim femininity’ promoted by this institution. By investigating the reports the teachers sent to the authorities, it explores how this school was perceived by the Muslim population. The last section is devoted to the schoolgirls’ experience of this school, and especially to their access to the written word.

Résumé L’article se présente comme une contribution à l’analyse des situations de crises politiques prolongées caractérisées par la perte de capacité de l’État à exercer ses monopoles de violence physique et symbolique légitime. Il analyse la crise politique turque de la seconde moitié des années 1970, qui voit la diffusion de mobilisations radicales antagonistes et la routinisation de l’usage de la violence physique irrégulière, dans un contexte de délitement des monopoles étatiques. Il montre que cette configuration recouvre deux processus distincts mais liés, à savoir la modification des règles des jeux étatiques et de celles des jeux politiques, toutes deux provoquées par les activités tactiques d’un des protagonistes du conflit. Il s’agit alors d’analyser comment, en mettant en œuvre une stratégie d’accès au pouvoir reposant sur le triptyque participation électorale – pénétration de l’État – violence physique, le Mouvement nationaliste a contribué à la formation et à l’intensification des processus de crise.