Centre d’histoire de Sciences Po

At first glance, the inaugural 1812 issue of the New England Journal of Medicine and Surgery seems reassuringly familiar: a review of angina pectoris, articles on infant diarrhea and burns.The apparent similarity to today's Journal, however, obscures a fundamental discontinuity.Disease has changed since 1812.People have different diseases, doctors hold different ideas about those diseases, and diseases carry different meanings in society.To understand the material and conceptual transformations of disease over the past 200 years, one must explore the inextricably social nature of disease.Disease is always generated, experienced, defined, and ameliorated within a social world.Patients need notions of disease that explicate their suffering.Doctors need theories of etiology and pathophysiology that account for the burden of disease and inform therapeutic practice.Policymakers need realistic understandings of determinants of disease and medicine's impact in order to design systems that foster health.The history of disease offers crucial insights into the intersections of these interests and the ways they can inform medical practice and health policy. Epidemiologic transitions

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<b>Introduction:</b> it has been suggested that sarcoidosis could be associated with exposure to inorganic particles (Newman LS Curr Opin All Clin Immunol 2012; 12:145-50, Vincent M et al Am J Ind Med 2015; 58:S31-8). <b>Objectives:</b> in order to test this hypothesis the Minasarc study was designed to evaluate the mineral exposome by a specific questionnaire (SQ) and a mineralogical analysis performed on BALs by optical and electron microscopy in patients and healthy volunteers (HV). We present here the results obtained by the SQ which can be considered as a tool for global assessment of the “whole life” exposure to inorganic particles in occupational and environmental contexts. <b>Methods:</b> The study was performed on 20 patients with sarcoidosis and 20 HV. Every HV was matched to a patient by sex, age and smoking habit. The SQ was calibrated with a representative sample of the French population (n=825) in the ELIPSSilice survey (ANR-10-Eqpx-19-01) and the result was expressed as a “dust score”. Scores were compared by a Wilcoxon signed-rank test<b>.</b> <b>Results:</b> The “dust score<b>”</b> was found significantly higher in patients with sarcoidosis than in HV (p=0,036; Wilcoxon signed-rank test). Moreover we found a significant overrepresentation of people exposed to building activities among the cases. However this remains to be assessed on a larger series. <b>Conclusion:</b> The SQ demonstrated a significantly higher level of exposure to inorganic dusts in patients with sarcoidosis compared to HV. Such preliminary results encourage 1) to study the association between sarcoidosis and inorganic dust exposure and 2) to submit routinely this exposure questionnaire to every patient with a granulomatous disease.

INTRODUCTION: Preliminary reports indicated that smokers could be less susceptible to coronavirus SARS-CoV-2, which causes Covid-19. However, once infected an increased risk of severe disease is reported. We investigated the association between smoking and COVID-19 during an outbreak of the disease on a naval vessel. METHODS: We conducted a cross-sectional, observational study on the 1769 sailors of the same navy aircraft carrier at sea exposed at the same time to SARS-CoV2 to investigate the link between tobacco consumption and Covid-19. RESULTS: Among the 1688 crewmembers (87% men; median age = 28 [interquartile range 23-35]) included, 1279 (76%) developed Covid-19 (1038 [62%] reverse-transcriptase- polymerase chain reaction testing-positive and 241 [14%] with only clinical signs). One hundred and seven patients were hospitalized. The univariable analysis odds ratio (OR) for Covid-19 infection was 0.59 (95% confidence interval [CI], 0.45-0.78; p < .001) for current smokers versus former and nonsmokers; sex, body mass index or blood group had no significant impact. Crewmembers >50 years old had an increased risk of contracting Covid-19 (OR, 2.84 [95% CI, 1.30-7.5]; p = .01). Multivariable analysis retained the lower risk of current smokers becoming infected (OR, 0.64 [0.49-0.84]; p < .001) and age >50 years was significatively associated with Covid-19 (OR, 2.6 [1.17-6.9]; p = .03). CONCLUSIONS: Current smoking status was associated with a lower risk of developing Covid-19 but cannot be considered as efficient protection against infection. The mechanism of the lower susceptibility of smokers to SARS-CoV-2 requires further research. TRIAL REGISTRATION: IRB no.: 0011873-2020-09. IMPLICATIONS: (1) Recent epidemiologic data suggest a paradoxical link between smoking and COVID-19. (2) Among the 1688 crewmembers (with an attack rate of 76% and exposed at the same time in the same place to SARS-CoV2), we found a significantly lower risk for developing COVID-19 in current smokers (71%) versus former and nonsmokers (80%). This finding strongly supports the need for further research on nicotine physiological pathway and its impact on COVID-19 infection whilst emphasizing that tobacco smoking should not be considered as efficient protection against COVID-19.

We present a formal system, E , which provides a faithful model of the proofs in Euclid’s Elements , including the use of diagrammatic reasoning.

Silicosis not a disease of the past. It is an irreversible, fibrotic lung disease specifically caused by exposure to respirable crystalline silica (RCS) dust. Over 20,000 incident cases of silicosis were identified in 2017 and millions of workers continue to be exposed to RCS. Identified case numbers are however a substantial underestimation due to deficiencies in reporting systems and occupational respiratory health surveillance programmes in many countries. Insecure workers, immigrants and workers in small businesses are at particular risk of more intense RCS exposure. Much of the focus of research and prevention activities has been on the mining sector. Hazardous RCS exposure however occurs in a wide range of occupational setting which receive less attention, in particular the construction industry. Recent outbreaks of silicosis associated with the fabrication of domestic kitchen benchtops from high-silica content artificial stone have been particularly notable because of the young age of affected workers, short duration of RCS exposure and often rapid disease progression. Developments in nanotechnology and hydraulic fracking provide further examples of how rapid changes in technology and industrial processes require governments to maintain constant vigilance to identify and control potential sources of RCS exposure. Despite countries around the world dealing with similar issues related to RCS exposure, there is an absence of sustained global public health response including lack of consensus of an occupational exposure limit that would provide protection to workers. Although there are complex challenges, global elimination of silicosis must remain the goal.

The period stretching from the restoration of Louis XVIII in 1814 until the fall of Napoleon III in 1870 remains the terra incognita of the history of French global ambitions. Even the volume of L’Aventure coloniale de la France, covering the years 1789–1870, stresses that the French ‘cautiously withdrew into themselves’ after the collapse of the first Napoleonic Empire.1 Such a view, this article argues, relies on an extraordinary neglect for the resilience of French formal and, above all, informal power between the fall of the Bourbon monarchy’s Atlantic empire and the rise of the Third Republic’s African and Indochinese empire: France in the intervening years remained a military, economic, scientific, and cultural super-power, who deployed her influence on a global scale, and not always unsuccessfully. It is therefore possible to recast the years 1814 to 1870 as a French ‘imperial meridian’, in the sense of an historiographical chasm between two classical periods of imperial expansion.

Architect Rem Koolhaas and his team from Harvard regard Lagos as an extreme and pathological form of the city in Africa and as a paradigmatic case of a modern avant-garde city. In rehabilitating the informality at work in Lagos, they put forward a romanticized vision of a self-regulatory system working outside state regulation and political influence. In this article I consider that the crisis of urban infrastructure in Lagos is less the result of the weakness of the Nigerian state than of a historical opposition between the Federal government and Lagos State leaders, especially concerning the allocation of resources to the city. I also suggest that informality and state decline analysis are inadequate theoretical frameworks for detailing the way Lagos has been planned or governed since the end of the colonial period. Instead, this article, based on empirical research covering local government, motor parks and markets, considers that the city's resources have been used to build political networks between state officials and a number of ‘civil society’ leaders. This process and the reinforcement of taxation in the last 30 years are not so much a manifestation of informality and state decline as part and parcel of the historical state formation in Nigeria and in Lagos. Résumé L’architecte Rem Koolhass et son équipe de Harvard voient en Lagos une forme extrême et pathologique de grande ville africaine et un cas typique de ville à l’avant-garde de la modernité. En réhabilitant l’informalité qui opère à Lagos, ils proposent une vision enjolivée d’un système autorégulateur fonctionnant hors de l’influence politique et réglementaire de l’État. Cet article considère qu’à Lagos, la crise de l’infrastructure urbaine résulte moins de la faiblesse de l’État nigérian que de l’opposition traditionnelle entre le gouvernement fédéral et les dirigeants de l’État de Lagos, notamment en matière de dotation de ressources à la ville. De plus, l’informalité et l’analyse du déclin de l’État se révèlent des cadres théoriques inappropriés si l’on veut préciser la manière dont Lagos a été aménagée ou administrée depuis la fin de l’ère coloniale. En revanche, à partir d’une étude empirique englobant gouvernement local, parcs de stationnement et marchés, cet article montre que les ressources municipales ont servi à tisser des réseaux politiques entre responsables de l’État et plusieurs personnalités de la ‘société civile’. Cette démarche et l’accentuation des taxes au cours des trente dernières années ne sont pas tant la manifestation de l’informalité et du déclin de l’État qu’une composante de la formation de l’État au Nigéria et à Lagos.

Transnational Moments of Change offers a broad introduction to the methodology and practice of transnational history. To demonstrate the value of this approach, the work focuses on Europe since World War II, a period whose study particularly benefits from a transnational vantage point. Twelve distinguished contributors from around the globe offer a range of transnational approaches to three continent-wide moments of change. The work begins with a look at the close of World War Two, when liberation from Nazi occupation offered the opportunity for social and political experiment. Next, essays explore the late 1960s as generational change and political dissatisfaction rocked urban centers from Paris to Prague. Finally, the book turns to the fall of communism, a moment of revolutionary change that not only spread rapidly from country to country, but even affected and interacted with protest movements in Western Europe and elsewhere. Together, the essays provide both a new perspective on postwar Europe and a range of models for the historian interested in using the transnational approach.

involved in trials like those of adrenocorticotrophic hormone and cortisone for the treatment of ulcerative colitis, and more centres became involved in the Medical Research Council's trials of treatment for different forms of leukaemia. 16 It was many years before randomisation was accepted as such a normal procedure. Only then did it become possible to organise the groundbreaking international study of infarct survival (ISIS) trials for the treatment of myocardial infarction, which involved hundreds of centres and randomly allocated tens of thousands of patients, and thereby showed the value of moderate improvements in the treatment of common diseases. 17 Without Bradford Hill, randomisation would have come about sooner or later, perhaps introduced by Rutstein in the United States. Rutstein collaborated with Bradford Hill in the design of an Anglo-American trial of adrenocorticotrophic hormone, cortisone, and aspirin in the treatment of acute rheumatic fever. 18 Randomisation would have been adopted much more slowly, however, without Bradford Hill's understanding of medical susceptibility and medical ethics and without his concern for simplicity of design and clarity of presentation. Modern authors please note.

Inborn errors of human IFN-γ-dependent macrophagic immunity underlie mycobacterial diseases, whereas inborn errors of IFN-α/β-dependent intrinsic immunity underlie viral diseases. Both types of IFNs induce the transcription factor IRF1. We describe unrelated children with inherited complete IRF1 deficiency and early-onset, multiple, life-threatening diseases caused by weakly virulent mycobacteria and related intramacrophagic pathogens. These children have no history of severe viral disease, despite exposure to many viruses, including SARS-CoV-2, which is life-threatening in individuals with impaired IFN-α/β immunity. In leukocytes or fibroblasts stimulated in vitro, IRF1-dependent responses to IFN-γ are, both quantitatively and qualitatively, much stronger than those to IFN-α/β. Moreover, IRF1-deficient mononuclear phagocytes do not control mycobacteria and related pathogens normally when stimulated with IFN-γ. By contrast, IFN-α/β-dependent intrinsic immunity to nine viruses, including SARS-CoV-2, is almost normal in IRF1-deficient fibroblasts. Human IRF1 is essential for IFN-γ-dependent macrophagic immunity to mycobacteria, but largely redundant for IFN-α/β-dependent antiviral immunity.

Binge drinking is a matter of current social, media and political concern, and the focus of much policy activity in the UK. Binge drinking is associated with causing a wide range of harm to individuals (e.g. accidents), and the wider community (e.g. crime and disorder). Within the current discourse, binge drinking is seen primarily as a youth issue. Binge drinking is sometimes portrayed as a recent phenomenon, but we know from history that heavy drinking has been endemic in British society over many centuries. Using a contemporary history perspective, this paper explores the concept of binge drinking. It considers the definitions in use, recent shifts in meaning and also the way in which different definitions of binge drinking impact on perceptions of the extent and nature of binge drinking. The paper concludes with some thoughts and questions about the usefulness of the concept of binge drinking as it currently used, and areas for further research.

The Oxford Handbook of European Legal History charts the landscape of contemporary research and the shift from national legal histories to comparative methods, which have profoundly affected the way we understand legal transformation at the local, national, regional, European, and global level. The Handbook shows legal change in terms of continuous flow and exchange of influences, which take place within complicated combinations of cultural, political, and social networks. The present Handbook captures this revised conception of European legal history; it not only merely reflects the state of the discipline, but also aims to shape it. As the chapters of this Handbook show, ancient Roman law owed much to the Near Eastern legal orders. Later on, from the fifteenth century onwards, the major European legal orders gradually spread to all continents. Indeed, most of the globalization of law has taken place by way of European legal systems turning global.

In virtually all corners of the Western world, 1968 witnessed a highly unusual sequence of popular rebellions. In Italy, France, Spain, Vietnam, the United States, West Germany, Czechoslovakia, Mexico, and elsewhere, millions of individuals took matters into their own hands to counter imperialism, capitalism, autocracy, bureaucracy, and all forms of hierarchical thinking. Recent reinterpretations have sought to play down any real challenge to the socio-political status quo in these events, but Gerd-Rainer Horn's book offers a spirited counterblast. 1968, he argues, opened up the possibility that economic and political elites on both sides of the Iron Curtain could be toppled from their position of unnatural superiority to make way for a new society where everyday people could, for the first time, become masters of their own destiny. Furthermore, Horn contends, the moment of crisis and opportunity culminating in 1968 must be seen as part of a larger period of experimentation and revolt. The ten years between 1956 and 1966, characterised above all by the flourishing of iconoclastic cultural rebellions, can be regarded as a preparatory period which set the stage for the non-conformist cum political revolts of the subsequent "red" decade (1966-1976).(Editor's presentation)

The Argument The major part of the mathematical “classics” in Hebrew were translated from Arabic between the second third of the thirteenth century and the first third of the fourteenth century, within the northern littoral of the western Mediterranean. This movement occurred after the original works by Abraham bar Hiyya and Abraham ibn Ezra became available to a wide readership. The translations were intended for a restricted audience — the scholarly readership involved in and dealing with the theoretical sciences. In some cases the translators themselves were professional scientists (e.g., Jacob ben Makhir); in other cases they were, so to speak, professional translators, dealing as well with philosophy, medicine, and other works in Arabic. In aketshing this portrait of the beginning of Herbrew scholarly mathematics, my aim has been to contribute to a better understanding of mathematical activity as such among Jewish communities during this period.

ABSTRACT The dramatic urban change taking place on the African continent has led to a renewed and controversial interest in Africa's cities within several academic and expert circles. Attempts to align a growing but fragmented body of research on Africa's urban past with more general trends in urban studies have been few but have nevertheless opened up new analytical possibilities. This article argues that to move beyond the traps of localism and unhelpful categorizations that have dominated aspects of urban history and the urban studies literature of the continent, historians should explore African urban dynamics in relation to world history and the history of the state in order to contribute to larger debates between social scientists and urban theorists. By considering how global socio-historical processes articulate with the everyday lives of urban dwellers and how city-state relationships are structured by ambivalence, this article will illustrate how historians can participate in those debates in ways that demonstrate that history matters, but not in a linear way. These illustrations will also suggest why it is necessary for historians to contest interpretations of Africa's cities that construe them as ontologically different from other cities of the world.

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This article presents an historical overview of the changing meaning of the patient-consumer, and specifically the role played by patient groups in constructing the patient as consumer. It is argued that patient groups were central to the formation of the patient-consumer, but as health consumerism was taken on by the state, they lost control of this figure. Competing understandings of what it meant to be a patient-consumer developed, a shift that raises further questions about the unity of claims made in the name of the patient-consumer.

Earlier versions of most of these papers were presented at the European Social Science History Conference, Lisbon, 1 March 2008. We would like to thank all who attended the session, and the anonymous referees for their useful comments.

This article discusses the crowdsourced manuscript transcription project Transcribe Bentham, and how it will impact upon long-established editorial practices at the Bentham Project, University College London, which is producing the new and authoritative edition of The Collected Works of Jeremy Bentham. We site Transcribe Bentham in the burgeoning field of scholarly crowdsourcing projects, and, by detailing our experiences of running and administering the project, attempt to assess the potential benefits of engaging the public in humanities research. The article examines the conceptualization and development of Transcribe Bentham, and how editorial practices at the Bentham Project may change as a result. We account for the design of the bespoke transcription tool which is at the project's heart, and which allows volunteers to transcribe the material and encode it in TEI-compliant XML. We attempt to answer five key questions: is crowdsourcing the transcription of complex manuscripts cost-effective? Is crowdsourcing exploitative? Are volunteer-produced transcripts of sufficient quality for editorial use and uploading to a digital repository, and what quality controls are required? Does crowdsourcing ensure sustainability and widen access to this priceless material? And finally, should the success of a project like Transcribe Bentham be measured solely according to cost-effectiveness or the volume of work produced, or do considerations of public engagement and access outweigh such concerns?