Fondation Maison des Sciences de l'Homme

Current trends in thinking on contemporary migration (in particular, theories on transnational networks) agree that today's migrants are the actors of a culture of bonds, which they themselves have founded and which they maintain even as they move about. Formerly a latent feature but typical of all groups on the move, this culture of bonds became visible and highly dynamic once migrants began massively to use modern information and communication technologies (ICT). It is more and more common for migrants to maintain remote relations typical of relations of proximity and to activate them on a daily basis. The paradigmatic figure of the uprooted migrant is yielding to another figure: the connected migrant.

This paragraph draws on Frenkel (1980). 21n applying eq. ( 2) to the hyperinflation period it was assumed that the variations in P/Pt were completely dominated by variations

The concepts of social and cultural capital explain how inequality is reproduced in schools. High-status cultural practices and knowledge, and access to these through elite social networks, become the indications through which success is recognized and rewarded. However, it is in the dynamics of negotiating social and cultural capital that processes of social reproduction can potentially be upset and derailed. This study analyzes those dynamics of negotiation in a low-income, Spanish speaking, urban school community. This process of reproduction can be derailed in ways that benefit children who are nonelite.

The ongoing coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) outbreak is giving rise to worldwide anxieties, rumours, and online misinformation. But it offers an opportunity to put into practice some lessons learned in studies of social media during epidemics, particularly with respect to the dynamics of online heroisation and blame.

Experimental T-cell-mediated hepatitis induced by concanavalin A (Con A) involves the production of different cytokines and chemokines and is characterized by leukocyte infiltration. Because the chemokine receptor CCR5 and its ligands (CCL3, CCL4, and CCL5) regulate leukocyte chemotaxis and activation, we investigated the role of CCR5 during Con A-induced liver injury. Serum levels of CCR5 ligands and their hepatic transcript levels were significantly increased after Con A injection, whereas CCR5+ liver mononuclear cells were recruited to the liver. CCR5-deficient (CCR5-/-) mice disclosed increased mortality and liver injury following Con A administration compared with wild-type mice. CCR5-/- mice also exhibited increased production of interleukin 4, tumor necrosis factor alpha, CCL3, CCL4, and CCL5, and a prominent liver mononuclear cell infiltrate, among which many cells were CCR1+. In vivo neutralization of CCR5 ligands in CCR5-/- mice afforded a protection against hepatitis only when CCL5 was neutralized. In conclusion, CCR5 deficiency exacerbates T-cell-mediated hepatitis, and leads to increased levels of CCR5 ligands and a more pronounced liver mononuclear infiltrate, suggesting that CCR5 expression can modulate severity of immuno-mediated liver injury.

In October 2016, South Africa became the first nation to withdraw from the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), after Burundi began taking steps to leave it. Kenya is likely to follow, and other states, like Uganda, could take the same cue. The ICC is facing the most serious diplomatic crisis of its history, with the African Union (AU) denouncing double standards, neo-colonialism and ‘white justice’, and regularly threatening to withdraw from the Rome Statute en masse. This article adopts both an interdisciplinary and a pragmatic policy-oriented approach, with the aim of producing concrete recommendations to counteract the crisis. It firstly outlines the context of this crisis which, although not new, is becoming increasingly serious. It then responds to the AU's objections to the ICC. The court's ‘Afro-centrism’ is explained by objective facts (the occurrence of mass crimes taking place on the African continent, the large number of African parties to the Rome Statute, the principle of complementarity) as well as by subjective decisions (a convergence of interest between the African leaders who brought the cases to the court themselves to weaken their opponents, and the prosecutor who needed quickly to find cases). Afro-centrism should also be nuanced, as the ICC has already shown an interest in cases outside Africa and the extent to which it is a problem is a matter of perspective. The article also responds to the ‘peace vs justice’ objection, and emphasises that African states were instrumental in creating and sustaining the ICC. It finally formulates recommendations to ease relations between the ICC and AU, such as to investigate more outside Africa, reinforce African national jurisdictions, create intermediary institutional structures, promote regional-level action, and rely more on ICC-friendly African states and African civil society.

“Crisis” is a key concept in our political lexicon. Since the beginning of the modern age, it has arguably been, as much as anything, the experience of crisis that has calibrated the aims of both politics and political theory. But as central as crisis experiences have been for the shaping of our political imaginary, the concept itself has proven difficult to incorporate into the political theory enterprise. In this article, I argue that we can think politically about crisis by taking up a “pragmatist” perspective that focuses on how we deploy crisis as a conceptual tool for guiding judgments and coordinating actions. I argue that crisis is a fundamentally reflexive concept that bridges our traditional distinctions between objective phenomena and normative experience, and whose very usage implies the active participation of those involved in it. Only by examining these crucial aspects of the crisis concept can we begin to grasp its normative political content, as well as how it may be deployed in the service of political action and social change.

While the geopolitical rivalry between the European Union (EU) and Russia over their common neighborhood has increasingly attracted academic and public attention, relatively little is known of its actual influence on domestic institutions and policies. This special issue aims to address this deficit by investigating the joint impact of the EU and Russia on the domestic dynamics of sectoral reform in neighboring countries (NCs) – a key declared goal of the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) and the Eastern Partnership (EaP) – in the areas of trade, natural resources, and migration and mobility. It examines the nature of the instruments deployed by the EU and Russia to change domestic reform processes and their impact on domestic actors in the post-Soviet space. This introductory article outlines the key research questions to which answers have been sought by experts in their respective fields and summarizes their key empirical findings in the context of broader conceptual debates. Overall, the contributions to this special issue find a strong disconnect between participation in the EU’s or Russia’s macro-frameworks for regional integration and domestic sectoral reforms. We show that despite the increasing external competition over the post-Soviet space, domestic actors remain the key agents to account for the pattern of change in the contested neighborhood.

The term ‘integration’ is a category used both in political discourse and in sociological analysis. In political discourse, in the public debate, it has become a magic word which accompanies repression when a political power is unable to deal with major difficulties, particularly in poor neighbourhoods. The so-called ‘models of integration’ are all failing, whether in the United Kingdom after the terrorist attacks of 2005, in the Netherlands after the murder of Theo Van Gogh and Pim Fortuyn, or in France after the riots of 2005. In political and social life, integration is far from able to account for realities or to implement public policies successfully. From a sociological perspective, integration is connected with approaches which are centred on society or the social system, much more than with those that deal with the subjectivity of individuals and their capacity for personal or collective action. This means that integration belongs much more to traditional sociological thinking than to the new contemporary sociological imagination.

The question of why some countries adopt external policy is particularly salient with regard to Armenia. All indicators suggest that Armenia would be unlikely to respond to EU stimuli for reform. And yet, in the early 2010s, Armenia vigorously adopted EU policy and institutional templates. This article seeks to explain this conundrum by exploring how EU policies (especially under the Eastern Partnership) feed into the domestic context and meet the agenda of national elites. The article deliberately departs from the mainstream explanations of ‘Europeanisation beyond accession’ and argues that closer scrutiny of the domestic context is a sine qua non for making sense of the baffling discrepancies in neighbouring states’ responses to EU policies. The case of Armenia vividly demonstrates the imperative for re-assessing the approaches that have so far focused on EU-level factors and for bringing together EU variables with a detailed analysis of the domestic and regional contexts.

This article enriches the understanding of region-building processes in the post-Soviet space by explaining why countries engage into regional projects. Based upon the analysis of the drivers behind Armenia’s and Moldova’s commitment to Eurasian integration and association with the European Union, respectively, it develops a more nuanced approach to region-building. The article points to the domestic factors behind engagement in regional projects and shows that the range of variables explaining countries’ choices is actually much broader (and their interaction more complex) than suggested by existing theories.

Sleep posture, as a crucial index for sleep quality assessment, has been widely studied in sleep analysis. In this paper, an unobtrusive smart mat system based on a dense flexible sensor array and printed electrodes along with an algorithmic framework for sleep posture recognition is proposed. With the dense flexible sensor array, the system offers a comfortable and high-resolution solution for long-term pressure sensing. Meanwhile, compared to other methods, it reduces production costs and computational complexity with a smaller area of the mat and improves portability with fewer sensors. To distinguish the sleep posture, the algorithmic framework that includes preprocessing and Deep Residual Networks (ResNet) is developed. With the ResNet, the proposed system can omit the complex hand-crafted feature extraction process and provide compelling performance. The feasibility and reliability of the proposed system were evaluated on seventeen subjects. Experimental results exhibit that the accuracy of the short-term test is up to 95.08% and the overnight sleep study is up to 86.35% for four categories (supine, prone, right, and left) classification, which outperform the most of state-of-the-art studies. With the promising results, the proposed system showed great potential in applications like sleep studies, prevention of pressure ulcers, etc.

Resumo O objetivo deste artigo é examinar a contribuição que uma abordagem desenvolvida na psicologia social - o estudo das representações sociais - pode trazer às ciências sociais. Como ponto de partida, a reflexão se apoia na constatação do novo interesse desenvolvido nas ciências sociais pelas relações entre o saber ordinário e o saber erudito, a inscrição social dos processos cognitivos, a importância da noção de “comum”, as necessidades de reconfigurar as relações entre disciplinas e considerar a complexidade dos fenômenos abordados. Um exame do tratamento da noção de representação social e/ou coletiva na história das ciências sociais - notadamente na antropologia, na história e na sociologia - recai sobre as reconhecidas propriedades dos fenômenos representativos e sobre seus papéis na vida social. Os eixos de problematização de seu estudo são apresentados em um quadro que resume o espaço de pesquisa que os concerne. Depois de discutir as críticas científicas e políticas dirigidas ao “representacionalismo”, um esquema que coloca fenômenos representativos na interseção de três esferas de pertencimento - subjetiva, intersubjetiva e trans-subjetiva - e permite mostrar a pertinência do estudo das representações sociais em um espaço globalizado. Essa pertinência é ilustrada pelo exemplo de trabalhos relativos aos efeitos dos vetores da globalização sobre identidades sociais locais, e pelas posições adotadas pelos pesquisadores latino-americanos em face da importação de modelos emprestados dos círculos dominantes do Primeiro Mundo.

Motivated by the potential devastating effect of a COVID-19 outbreak in retirement homes and long-term facilities for dependent elderly, we present the impact of worst-case scenarios in French institutions using a specific age structure and case-age fatality ratios. The death toll could equal the yearly death toll caused by seasonal influenza in those older than 65 years or could largely exceed that, depending on the final attack rate and proportion of infected institutions.

This paper contextualises counselling within a broader historical formation that links disclosure to healing and deploys confessional technologies to incite disclosure and awareness of the mysterious substance of the self. Foucault's argument that sexuality was the privileged arena for using confessional technologies to 'produce' the truth of the self is particularly relevant in light of the diffusion of counselling practices in Africa in the wake of the HIV epidemic, particularly with their emphasis on inciting appropriate sexual behaviour. Examination of the historical assemblage of counselling practices shows how they articulate what the self is, the nature of truth and a politics of language. This paper focuses on the genealogy of four key assumptions that express this confessional reason. These are that: (1) people can be 'empowered' to have control on their own lives by working on themselves, (2) secrets untold become pathogens, (3) the ability to heal requires that one first overcome personal illness, (4) the experience of sharing secrets is cathartic and healing. The genealogy intertwines four strands: that of the Unconscious as revealed by Freud and his followers, attempts to treat shell-shocked veterans of World War I, group psychotherapy and participatory research after World War II.

One of the major changes affecting diasporas the world over since the 1980s has been the increasing number of communities scattered throughout physical space, along with new forms of presence, regrouping, interaction and mobilization within digital territories. This change calls for a renewal in epistemological approaches. The topics under study, as well as the conceptual and methodological tools used to analyse them, need to be reconsidered in the face of this evolution of diasporas. The articles published in this issue of SSI1 bear witness to such an effort: researchers and engineers involved in the e-Diasporas Atlas2 project have sought to find the most appropriate concepts, tools and methods to explore the Web of diasporas, based on a number of case studies. This work represents a vast new area of investigation, which is still under way. In this introduction, we examine the different conceptual tools used during the research, analyse their relevance for the different diasporic communities on the Web and present the methodological chain developed within the e-Diasporas Atlas project as well as the most important findings.3

(1983). Language attitudes in multilingual settings: Prologue with priorities. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development: Vol. 4, Language Attitudes in Multilingual Settings, pp. 81-100.

The effect of megavoltage irradiation with cobalt teletherapy or electron beam therapy has been evaluated in a series of 31 patients with extensive carcinoma of the maxillary antrum. Twelve of these patients were living, free of disease, at three years, and six out of 19 were alive at five years. From these results it seems that radical megavoltage radiation therapy can be relied upon to eradicate squamous carcinoma cells in bone in the management of advanced carcinoma of the maxillary antrum with its ethmoidal, orbital or pterygomaxillary extensions.

L’étude vise à mettre en lumière les enjeux politiques, idéologiques et juridiques qui se sont noués autour de l’idée d’intégration depuis le milieu des années 1970 – moment où l’on a pris conscience que l’immigration de travailleurs, perçue comme temporaire, avait évolué vers une immigration durable et où l’intégration des immigrés est entrée dans le champ des préoccupations des pouvoirs publics avant de devenir un sujet de débat politique. Cette histoire se joue sur trois plans qui interfèrent sans cesse. L’intégration est d’abord un objet de discours ; mais le discours peine à déboucher sur des réalisations, au point d’apparaître comme un substitut à une action publique défaillante, même si l’intégration est l’un des objectifs officiellement assigné à la politique d’immigration, à côté de la « maîtrise des flux migratoires ». L’intégration est par ailleurs entravée par la réglementation du séjour et de l’éloignement : l’amalgame délibéré, dans les deux dernières « lois Sarkozy » de 2003 et 2006, entre droit au séjour et intégration, vient rappeler cette réalité souvent oubliée ou déniée.

Many countries face major challenges to ensure that their health and social care systems are ready for the growing numbers of older people (OP). As a way of realising ageing in place, assistive technologies such as home-care robots are expected to play a greater role in the future. In Asia and Europe, robots are gradually being adopted as a public policy solution to the workforce shortage. Yet, there is still a strongly held belief that such technologies should not be part of human and personal care services such as OP's care. However, there has been little research into attitudes and perceptions of potential users regarding home-care robots which can provide companionship and support with activities of daily living. To explore these in more detail, a questionnaire study was carried out in Finland, Ireland and Japan. This study reports findings from the Irish cohort (114 older people [OP], 8 family carers and 56 Health and Social Care Professionals [HSCPs]). Seventy per cent of the total respondents (N = 178) reported being open to the use of home-care robots, and only one quarter had a negative image of robots. People with care responsibilities in their private capacity expressed more interest in, and readiness to use, home-care robots, while stressing the importance of 'privacy protection' and 'guaranteed access to human care'. Both OP and HSCPs identified observation and recording of OP's mental and physical condition as desirable functions of such robots, whereas practical functions such as fall prevention and mobility support were also deemed desirable by HSCPs. There is generally positive interest in home-care robots among Irish respondents. Findings strongly suggest that the interest is generated partly by great need among people who deliver care. Should such robots be developed, then careful consideration must be given to user-centred design, ethical aspects and national care policy.